1. Strategy
Communist Vanguard fights for socialism-communism. In the current historical epoch, the epoch of imperialism, capitalism has become an absolute brake on human development. Its productive relations, once historically progressive – that is, once capable of dismantling feudal hierarchies, expanding the productive potential of society and so revolutionising social relations – have turned parasitic and destructive. Capitalism and imperialism now represent what Marx described as a ‘fetter’ on the full development of humanity’s material and immaterial potential. Freed from the capitalist drive for self-valorisation, social and ecological destruction, these capacities could be easily redirected toward satisfying human need. Today, the material conditions for socialism are mature across the globe, and the question of its realisation is a concrete, urgent necessity for the global working class, whose exploitation and oppression deepens with every new turn of capitalist crisis.
There are no intermediate stages to revolution. With very few and exceptional cases, such as Palestine, we are no longer in the era of bourgeois-democratic transformation, the historical phase in which the capitalist class led struggles to abolish feudal or colonial domination, establish national sovereignty, and implement formal democratic institutions. Nearly every country has attained formal independence, developed an autonomous bourgeois class, and become structurally integrated into the imperialist world system. Capitalism now dominates the entire globe as the primary mode of production. As such, all states are necessarily drawn into imperialist competition, struggling to export and accumulate capital for their own monopolies at the expense of both the national and international working class. This happens because imperialism is not a choice, but a structural phase of capitalism itself. It cannot be corrected through policy or diplomacy, but only abolished through the revolutionary transformation of its productive foundations: that is, through socialism.
This is why we reject all strategies that hinge on intermediate goals, whether in the form of anti-monopolist or anti-imperialist alliances with supposedly “progressive” sections of the bourgeoisie. The “anti-monopolist” approach seeks collaboration with domestic non-monopolistic capital, imagining that small and medium enterprises might align with the working class in a broad ‘popular’ front. This strategy collapses from at least two fundamental flaws: first, it assumes that monopolies could be dismantled peacefully through elections, and that the capitalist state – which exists precisely to guarantee unified bourgeois class rule – would passively allow the destruction of its most concentrated expression; second, it overlooks that even so-called ‘non-monopolistic’ enterprises are still capitalist firms, driven by the compulsion to valorise capital and to exploit labour, and therefore structurally opposed to socialist transformation.
The “anti-imperialist” variant, meanwhile, calls for aligning with the bourgeoisie of rival capitalist states, even their monopolistic sections, merely because these states oppose the imperialist interests of one’s own ruling class. This too is an illusion, perhaps even more dangerous: these states do not fight imperialism to liberate the working class, but to strengthen their own position within the imperialist hierarchy: a goal achievable only through the continued exploitation of their own working class and the suppression of the revolutionary forces domestically and internationally. As this becomes increasingly transparent, inter-imperialist conflicts escalate into military confrontations, leading so-called ‘anti-imperialist’ strategies to place communists in the absurd and reactionary position of endorsing the mobilisation, confrontation, and slaughter of workers in defence of nationalist bourgeois agendas: a betrayal that echoes, and repeats, the historic collapse of the Second International.
These ideological constructs have repeatedly disarmed the communist movement. They spread the illusion that capitalism can be reformed without being overthrown, that revolution can be postponed indefinitely, that socialism can be achieved only in economically-backward countries, and that the working class is only one of several equally legitimate political subjects, rather than the sole force capable of leading the revolutionary struggle. We oppose these opportunist distortions just as we oppose their political consequences: namely, forming alliances with bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces, including those who may advocate radical reforms but ultimately seek only to stabilise capitalism, managing its economic crisis to guarantee the continuation of profit, accumulation, and exploitation.
We structurally oppose the Labour Party and its so-called ‘Left’. These two at times united at times separated entities are the best representation of the dangers discussed above, and have consistently acted as the political representatives of the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, and the labour aristocracy. Oscillating between more and less radical social-democratic strategies depending on the needs of capital, the Labour Party and the Labour Left will never break from the capitalist framework not because they are corrupt or inefficient, but simply because they represent a section of the capitalist class. Since the 1940s, the illusion that Labour could be reclaimed or pushed left has led countless communists to forfeit revolutionary clarity. Pursuing influence within Labour has not only rendered them politically irrelevant; it has objectively strengthened the bourgeoisie and its reformist administrators, while abandoning the working class to passivity and defeat.
A similar fate has met every attempt to “unite the left”. The word “left” has no sense in Marxist terms, as it encapsulates different classes with obviously different economic interests. In fact, together with the working class, the left is meant to also include threatened or disaffected bourgeois and petty-bourgeois layers, seeking social reforms aimed at stabilising the system, pursuing a more efficient management of capitalism that safeguards their relatively privileged economic and political standing. Attempts to unite the left and forge a popular front with such forces can only lead to one of two outcomes, both equally detrimental to the working class. Either they collapse under the weight of the divergent class interests involved, or they succeed precisely because capital requires a temporary restructuring of its social, political, or economic apparatus to defuse discontent and renew its legitimacy. In either case, the working class loses: exploitation and oppression continue, while the revolutionary potential of the workers is blunted once more.
We do not aim to unite the left, but the working class. The unity we seek is not rhetorical, but material, organisational, and ideological, emerging from theoretical clarity, grounded in class consciousness, and forged through political struggle. Capital knows that this class unity is the greatest threat to its rule. That is why it works relentlessly to undermine it through false divisions based on sex, nationality, ethnicity, ability, sexual orientation, age, and immigration status. To dismantle these divisions, the only path forward is to return to the fundamental contradiction between capital and labour, and to show that only the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism can resolve not just economic exploitation, but the full spectrum of systemic injustice and violence that capitalism generates and reproduces.
We support the strategy of the united front from below. This means fostering common struggle among workers of all backgrounds, regardless of their current ideology or party affiliation, on the basis of their shared, objective class interests. The purpose of this united front is twofold: first, to concentrate the maximum strength of the working class in its confrontation with the bourgeoisie; and second, to draw the widest possible layer of workers into revolutionary political activity, thereby creating the conditions through which they can be won over to socialism. However, this approach excludes any alliances with bourgeois, reformist, or opportunist organised forces such as those advocated by supporters of the popular front strategy. Such alliances blur class lines, undermine the independence of the vanguard, and inevitably dull the development of working-class consciousness.
Building such a united front requires an organisation with a clear working-class composition, rooted in systematic mass work. Mass work is not an abstract slogan but refers to the consistent and methodical engagement with the working class around its concrete and objective interests. While mass work can and must extend to many areas, its primary terrain remains the workplace. It is here, in the daily process of production and exploitation, that the contradiction between capital and labour is laid bare in its most apparent form, and where revolutionary organisation must concentrate its forces. For this reason, we want to structure our organisation around workplace cells. These are the backbone of a working-class political structure, acting as the leading unit of our organisation, not only guaranteeing a working-class composition, but ensuring the unification of political and economic struggle.
We believe that trade unions are the key site of political intervention. They are still the broadest organisational form of the class and one of the few arenas in which workers with no prior political experience can be drawn into collective struggle. Hence, all forms of struggle that can unify workers across ideological divides in confrontation with the immediate interests of capital should be encouraged and supported.
At the same time, communists must confront two parallel dangers in the trade union sphere. On the one hand, the leadership of many official unions dominated by reformist and opportunist elements has long played a reactionary role. This labour aristocracy, a privileged layer within the working class, has entrenched itself in the apparatus of trade unions, subordinating workers’ interests to class collaboration and integration into capitalist management. On the other hand, some ‘radical’ unions have emerged claiming to challenge this compromise, but do so in ways marked by political voluntarism, rhetorical maximalism, and isolation from the class. Rather than building influence among the broader sections of the working class, they risk reproducing the marginalisation they set out to overcome, elevating a narrow layer of militant workers while leaving the vast majority disorganised, depoliticised, and vulnerable to bourgeois influence.
We need to create an organised pole within the workers’ movement. Rejecting both petty-bourgeois reformism and ultra-left isolationism, we understand the fundamental difference between trade union membership and leadership, and consequently the dual tasks of waging an ideological struggle against reformist leadership and engaging to regroup class-conscious workers around a unified revolutionary orientation. This kind of orientation will not come from the existing trade union structures. It must be built outside of it, by conscious, militant, and vanguard workers: those who are ready to fight inside their unions and also forge links across them.
Everyday struggles cannot be ignored. We do not think that revolutionary orientation means forgetting that every real improvement in the living and working conditions of the working class, and every advance that weakens the capitalist material and ideological hold over society. However, we reject the illusion that the accumulation of reforms – for instance, on higher wages, better housing, or migration rights – will somehow result in socialism. While necessary, these partial victories are not revolutionary in themselves. Indeed, they are often used by the capitalists and their opportunist allies to pacify resistance and stabilise the system. And what capitalism grants today, it can revoke tomorrow.
The real significance of short-term struggles lies in their ability to raise consciousness, build organisation, and prepare the ground for revolutionary confrontation. They are not ends in themselves, but means to a greater end, which remains socialism-communism. For this reason, we do not abstain from partial struggles, but we intervene in them to advance the conditions of the working class, foster its material and ideological unity, and sharpen its political understanding of capitalism’s structural limits. The struggle in the workplaces is also waged on a theoretical front, as it requires resisting bourgeois influence in all its forms, whether overt or disguised. Reformism, often expressed through the labour aristocratic leaderships of trade unions, seeks to confine the working-class horizon within the framework of capitalist managed concessions. Ultra-leftism, meanwhile, propagated by disillusioned petty-bourgeois elements, replaces patient organisation with rhetorical escalation or moral purity, isolating itself from the real movement of the class. Both are obstacles to revolutionary clarity.
Against these dangers, we maintain a clear line: that we neither idealise capitalism with claims for unachievable demands – such as ‘fair wages’ or ‘justice for workers’ – nor do we retreat into abstract slogans about immediate liberation or revolution. Instead, we seek to expose the contradictions of the system, raise the expectations of the class, and orient every battle toward the ultimate goal: the destruction of capitalism and the building of socialism-communism.
We are living in a non-revolutionary situation. The bourgeoisie, though in crisis, still manages to maintain control. As Lenin taught, a revolutionary situation exists only when two conditions are met: the ruling class is no longer able to rule, and the oppressed class is no longer willing to be ruled. However, this does not mean communists can afford to wait passively. This is even more true because the objective conditions for socialism already exist, as the contradictions of capitalism have matured globally into their parasitic imperialist phase. The productive forces have long outgrown the private relations of production, while socialised labour and centralised capital have laid the material preconditions for socialism-communism. The real danger lies not in the supposed absence of revolutionary conditions, but in the absence of revolutionary preparedness. If communists fail to be ready, then the opportunity – which will necessarily come because of the material contradictions of the system – will be irretrievably missed.
Our task is to develop the subjective factor. As in every non-revolutionary situation, our duty is to build the organisational and ideological capacity of the working class to act as a revolutionary force. This means, first, that a critical majority of the working class must be politically prepared to take part in revolutionary struggle in the decisive sectors of society, contributing its accumulated social and political experience to the fight for power. Second, that its vanguard layers must be organised in a disciplined, coherent organisation capable of concentrating and guiding the forces of the class. And third, that such an organisation, the Communist Party, must already exist and be able to act as an independent, revolutionary force.
The Communist Party is the cornerstone of every revolutionary struggle. It must be grounded in Marxist-Leninist theory and able to apply that theory creatively, fighting bourgeois ideology while developing a revolutionary strategy rooted in scientific analysis of the national and international situation. A core element of this strategy is the elaboration of a revolutionary programme, where the party must be able to define the character of the revolution, the class that will take power, the classes that may become its allies, and the path to overthrow the capitalist state based on the real, material conditions of its society. Without this, the Party cannot act as a true vanguard.
Additionally, the Party cannot act as a vanguard if it lacks the capacity to resist political and ideological degeneration in periods of retreat. It must be able to withstand pressures to dilute or revise its programme, while maintaining the tactical flexibility to adapt its methods to the concrete development of the class struggle, employing legal or illegal means as required by the conditions. Nor can the Party maintain its role as the most advanced detachment of the working class if it is incapable of practising consistent self-critique. As Lenin said: ‘The Party’s strength lies in its ability to face the truth, to recognise mistakes and to correct them openly.’ Without this continuous process of correction, the Party is vulnerable to dogmatism, stagnation, infiltration, and a growing disconnection from the working class.
The Communist Party needs a Communist International. Without a unified centre capable of coordinating the theory and strategy of communists at the global level, the struggle of the working class remains fragmented, nationally bounded, and ultimately vulnerable to capitalist and imperialist aggression. We understand the motto “Working men have no country” not only as a rejection of loyalty to the bourgeois nation-state, but as a recognition that the advance of the proletariat depends on its ability to collectively plan its ideas and actions beyond borders.
The Communist International must serve not only as a coordinating force but as the highest organ of revolutionary theory and strategy. It must provide a unified analysis of capitalist and imperialist domination, a shared synthesis of the tasks facing the movement in different regions, and a principled critique of the errors and deviations found in the line of each national party. In short, it must guide the struggle for socialism-communism worldwide. No local organisation, no matter how advanced, can fully grasp the dynamics of national and international class struggle in isolation. For this reason, we see the reconstitution of the Communist International as a strategic necessity for the global communist movement, and we are committed to contributing to this process.
History has repeatedly shown that the absence of such a party – one with a clear revolutionary strategy, rooted in the class and prepared in advance – is the decisive factor that prevents a revolutionary situation from becoming a revolutionary outcome. It is precisely this understanding that led us to establish our organisation, with the clear objective of its future transformation into the Communist Party.
2. Organisation
We want to build the Communist Party. We are a Marxist-Leninist organisation whose internal structure and external practice are consciously directed toward the task of building a Communist Party. We recognise that the path toward this goal is uneven, but we are firmly committed to advancing towards it without shortcuts but with determination and strategic firmness.
We are structured according to the principles of democratic centralism. This is the unity of inner-party democracy, centralised leadership, and coordinated action, all based on conscious, voluntary commitment. Democratic centralism means that all important decisions are made collectively and are binding for all members and organs. Leadership is exercised collectively, through organs and assemblies that reflect the political strategy of the organisation. Once a decision is taken, it must be implemented with full unity and discipline, even if there was prior disagreement. While inner-party critique and self-critique are essential, no factionalism is tolerated, as this would destroy the ideological, political, and organisational unity of the party. Equality among members is fundamental: all have the same rights and duties within the organisation, regardless of role or seniority.
Our organisation is a cadre organisation. This means it is not open to anyone who merely agrees with general ideas or supports certain struggles. It is composed of committed communists whose primary orientation in life is the struggle for socialism-communism. Becoming or growing as a cadre is not a matter simply of personal or theoretical skills, but of how these are put at the service of the collective struggle of the organisation and of the working class, in accordance with the revolutionary goal. The formation of cadres is not an individual achievement, but a collective process, which takes place within the organisation through shared political education and action over a long period of time.
Being a cadre is not a sprint but a life-long commitment, requiring continuous collaboration and maturation. There is no fixed checklist of activity that defines a cadre: time spent on tasks alone does not guarantee quality or commitment. In our organisation we understand that the level of participation and contribution can be different depending on the individual circumstances of each member; however, we expect everyone’s level of commitment to be the same regardless of that.
We aim to develop every comrade into a cadre. This means ensuring that members are, first, capable of weaponising Marxist-Leninist theory: not only the classics of Marxism-Leninism, but also the documents produced by our organisation and by international communist organisations that share our worldview. The aim of this theoretical work is not to produce news or superficial engagement, but to sharpen class understanding and deepen revolutionary consciousness. Secondly, cadres must be able to plan and lead the struggles of the working class, particularly through the implementation of mass work, the intervention within sections of the movement, and the resistance to the material and ideological pressures imposed by the capitalist system. Thirdly, cadres must demonstrate initiative in political work, contribute actively to collective decision-making, and show a consistent commitment to the strengthening of the organisation. This includes not only following the organisation’s line but contributing to its theoretical and organisational development in principled, creative, and collective ways. Finally, every cadre must engage seriously in critique and self-critique, not as an individual exercise, but as a disciplined political method to advance their own growth, the development of other members, and the consolidation of the organisation as a whole.
We aim to root our organisation in the working class. For us, the class background of our organisation is of fundamental importance, as our members should primarily be workers in the narrow sense of wage-labourers in industrial production, but broadly, all those objectively placed in antagonism with capital. Special emphasis must also be placed on working-class women, black and migrant workers, and other more intensively oppressed segments of the working class, whose systematic exclusion from political activity reflects a structural mechanism of capitalism. Their integration is not a matter of representation, but a central condition for the formation and consolidation of a genuine vanguard organisation of the working class.
We want to build a national organisation. We recognise that such a task must be carried out patiently, based on real conditions and alongside the development of an ideologically coherent core. At the current stage, our organisational structure is built on local units, which serve as the foundation of our political activity and internal life. Units are the basic cells of the organisation, responsible for discussing the political line, conducting collective education, developing political intervention, and ensuring the disciplined implementation of decisions. The expansion of our presence, including the formation of new units, is evaluated on a case-by-case basis, according to the readiness of candidates, their capacity to sustain long-term work, and the strategic importance of the area. The integrity of the organisation must be preserved at every step: the creation of new units must strengthen, not fragment, the overall cohesion of the organisation. Internal accountability, ideological education, political communication, and collective engagement must therefore be established from the very beginning, ensuring that each local structure acts in unity with the whole and contributes to the development of a centralised, disciplined, and working-class-grounded organisation.
We prioritise quality over quantity. As a cadre organisation, our growth must be selective. We recognise the need to expand, but this cannot come at the expense of our political unity or organisational discipline. To ensure this, we only recruit candidate members, each of whom undergoes a probationary period of at least one year before being considered for full membership. This process is essential not only for testing commitment, but for integrating new members into the political, theoretical, and organisational life of the collective.
The overarching principle that determines whether someone can be seriously considered as a candidate is the initiative they show. We do not reduce political development to a checklist of texts read, tasks completed, events attended, or any pre-existing hard or soft skills. As candidates and members, everyone will have time to develop all of this. What matters to us is how comrades take initiative in orienting themselves politically: how they show a genuine commitment to contributing to the collective work of the organisation and how they take responsibility for their own development, seeking clarification when needed and acting with discipline and revolutionary drive. If someone does not yet meet these long-term standards but still wishes to contribute to our organisation, they are welcome to do so by developing their political understanding through our public agitational and educational events and by putting their skills at the service of the organisation.
We welcome contact with a broad range of people – both those unfamiliar with Marxism-Leninism and those already politically engaged – provided they show a sincere interest in revolutionary politics. We also remain open to those whose current views moderately diverge from ours, as long as they are willing to critically reassess their positions in the course of political education and discussion. However, we are not a political home for those who reject the core principles of our organisation. We cannot and will not integrate those who fundamentally oppose our strategic orientation, ideological foundations, or organisational character. Clarity must always precede unity, and upholding this principle demands sustained commitment to theoretical development, which stands as a core pillar of our organisation.
3. Theory
Political education is one of the highest priorities of our organisation. As a cadre organisation, our strength lies in our theoretical clarity and ideological unity. Education is the foundation of any serious political work, as a deep understanding of the theoretical line of our organisation is the necessary prerequisite for unified action and organisation. Internally, it allows us to develop new candidates and consolidate our members; externally, to distinguish between those who are genuinely committed to revolutionary politics and those who, despite appearances, serve to mislead and disarm the working class.
The purpose of our theoretical development is not academic, but organisational and strategic. It is through political education that the organisation is able to politically equip its members to intervene in the class struggle, preparing ourselves to reach the working class not with improvised or idealised slogans, but with conscious strategy and clarity of principles. To this end, our internal education is guided by six key areas, which we aim both to investigate and weaponise for more effective incursion into the working class:
• the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism;
• the historical experience of the USSR;
• the material analysis of capitalism and imperialism;
• the political analysis of opportunism in its various forms;
• the class analysis of the working class and the strategy required to anchor within it;
• the conditions of those segments of the working class subjected to intensified oppression.
Political education is necessarily internationalist. We seek to learn from the theoretical and organisational development of other parties with similar worldviews, engaging with their documents and experiences. We understand our national context as part of a broader capitalist and imperialist system, in which the commonalities of capital accumulation and workers’ exploitation and oppression far outweigh national specificities. For this reason, it is not simply that a greater number of communist parties produce richer analysis; rather, the complexity of contemporary capitalism and imperialism can only be seriously scrutinised through a unified theoretical centre – that is, the Communist International – capable of formulating a theory and strategy valid for communists across contexts. We are indebted to the international vanguard forces of the communist movement that have contributed to these developments, and we are determined to play our role in advancing this struggle.
Political education is inseparable from our political dissemination. We aim to produce materials that reflect the depth of our Marxist-Leninist education and contribute to the consolidation of revolutionary clarity within the working class. Whether short or long in form, each contribution seeks to apply and develop the foundational principles of Marxism-Leninism in the six strategic areas that guide our political education.
This work is not yet agitation but propaganda. At this stage, our political materials are not directly tied to a broad mass of workers, but to a narrower audience seeking comprehensive explanations for the systemic problems of capitalism and imperialism. Therefore, rather than reporting on isolated or disconnected struggles in an entirely accessible form, our materials aim to educate and consolidate a communist core capable of intervening strategically in the class struggle when the organisation is ripe. Our propaganda must be political, educational and strategic: a tool to orient those who seek orientation in a period of ideological confusion and retreat.
4. Tactics
Our tactics balance our strategic aims with the current status of our organisation. Our tactical orientation must reflect both the strategic goal of building a revolutionary workers’ party and the concrete limitations of our current development. Neither do we pretend we are an already established organisation rooted in the working class, nor do we substitute educational and organisational preparation with activism for its own sake. Instead, we consciously balance our long-term aims with the present level of our forces, always seeking to advance while avoiding voluntarism or opportunism.
As a young organisation, we face several objective limits. We are not yet structured through workplace cells, nor are we in a position to carry out systematic mass work inside the sphere of production. We lack organic links with broad layers of workers and are not yet embedded in the trade union structures. Finally, our membership, while largely from a working-class background, still comes primarily from the leftist movement, shaped by petty-bourgeois ideological confusion, and habits inherited from reformist or ultraleftist politics.
Overcoming our limits requires strategic patience and discipline. Our priorities lie in, first, establishing links with workers and trade unions, particularly by building relationships with class-conscious workers, fostering connections among them, and preparing the ground for future workplace intervention; second, in spreading a working-class perspective within the movement, challenging petty-bourgeois reformism and ultraleftism, thus sharpening the class line in every field of activity; third, developing a high level of political education and self-criticism, ensuring that comrades understand Marxism-Leninism not as abstract doctrine, but as a scientific method for analysing and intervening in class struggle.
This transitional phase must be navigated with clarity and determination, without any haste. On one side, we must prevent opportunist deviations by reinforcing our theoretical foundations. On the other, we must actively prepare for a shift in the structure of our organisation: from a communist nucleus shaped by ideological struggle to an organised Communist Party composed of workers forged in practical confrontation with capital and in theoretical struggle against bourgeois ideology.
We reject the opportunist belief in spontaneism. Some organisations believe that, by virtue of their existence, the leftist movement automatically expresses or generates revolutionary consciousness. Whether buttressed by bourgeois ideology (for instance, in the cases of feminism or environmentalism), or seemingly working-class in composition (as with trade unions or labour campaigns), movements do not spontaneously arrive at communist positions. Their content is determined not by formal participation, but by the class outlook that guides them. As Lenin said “The spontaneous development of the working-class movement leads to its subordination to bourgeois ideology”.
Our task is to bring the communist line into the movement. The movement is for us not as an end in itself, but as a terrain of ideological and political struggle. We recognise that, within mass organisations, the political orientation of the leadership and the base may diverge, though this is not always the case. Therefore, before engaging in any movement, we assess its social composition and political direction. When both the leadership and the membership are marked by a clear opportunist orientation, we do not participate. But when the bourgeoisie holds sway only over the leadership, we intervene seriously and consistently, exposing reformist lines, confronting ideological confusion, and seeking to unite the most conscious workers around a revolutionary perspective. As Marx wrote, communists “do not say to the world: cease your struggles, they are foolish”; they merely “give the true slogan of struggle” and “show the world what it is really fighting for”.
Our goal is not to parasitically profit from movements, extracting tactical gains without contributing politically, but to shape their direction in ways that build working-class unity and expose the limitations of both reformism and ultraleftism. Open and principled critique of the movement’s false perspectives is essential to rupture bourgeois influence, raise the political level of the struggle, and win over the most advanced elements.
Our relation with other political organisations is principled but limited. Collaboration is not based on ideological proximity, but on concrete tasks and objective conditions. In many cases, it is not only possible but necessary: we may work on the same issues as other organisations, share points of contact within the movement, or confront political terrains too vast or complex to address alone. In such instances, we are prepared to engage in joint efforts – strictly tactical and limited in scope – that advance the material interests of the working class.
However, this engagement is only tactical. While we consider sectarianism one of the chief dangers facing revolutionary organisations today, we insist on a clear distinction: sectarianism means refusing to engage with the working-class movement, not refusing coordination with other so-called communist organisations. Lenin consistently warned against turning into a sect, that is, isolating oneself from the real movement, from the imperfect institutions where workers currently struggle, and from the partial demands that, despite their limitations, can serve as the starting point for political development. But Lenin never advocated endless dialogue with opportunist parties. On the contrary, he insisted on the need for clarity of political line and the necessity of rupture when revolutionary principles are at stake.
In Britain, ideological confusion around sectarianism is widespread. Some self-described communist organisations, having failed to root themselves in the working class, mistake ‘non-sectarianism’ for producing statements and holding meetings that speak only to each other, and not to the working class. Others, under the same banner of ‘non-sectarianism’, pursue unprincipled alliances with bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces, presenting these collaborations as advances for the working class. We reject both tendencies as expressions of the same popular front approach. Our task is not to engage with political organisations for its own sake, but to intervene in the mass organisations of the movement: to break bourgeois influence, build working-class unity, and win the most conscious elements to a revolutionary line.
Our focus is not on expansion, but on the formation of cadres. Our objective is not growth for its own sake, but to develop cadres: disciplined, principled communists capable of acting as revolutionary leaders within the working-class movement. This requires not only learning to confront and defeat opportunism in all its forms, but also to face police and state repression.
We reject the logic of quantity over quality. Our presence in the movement does not require attending every event, setting up stalls at every protest, or creating endless initiatives. Nor do we believe in pestering people to give us their contact or to join our organisation. We are not engaged in political trawling: we know we need to grow, but we do not need anyone to join if they are not convinced or prepared. The path into our organisation must begin before formal membership: it begins with political initiative, with the willingness to think and act like a cadre even before formally becoming one.
Our communication is oriented towards the propaganda of our theory and strategy. The question of medium – whether digital or print – is a tactical one, not a matter of principle.
We neither exclude nor fetishise the newspaper form. While we acknowledge its historical importance in the development of the communist movement, we do not consider it a priority in the current period. This may change as conditions evolve, particularly in moments of heightened class struggle where regular and centralised print agitation may become strategically necessary.
At present, our primary focus is on digital publication. This format allows for broader and easier access for a politically diverse audience, and is better suited to our current level of organisational consolidation, enabling us to communicate regularly, adapt quickly, and reach beyond our immediate circles. That said, we also recognise the enduring importance of physical materials – including booklets, leaflets, flyers, and posters – particularly in the context of local agitation and political intervention. Print materials play a key role in reinforcing direct contact, anchoring our presence in physical spaces, and enabling conversations where digital communication is unavailable or insufficient. They also demonstrate organisational commitment, helping to assert the presence of communist politics in spaces otherwise dominated by reformist or ultra-leftist tendencies.
Our events are planned to strengthen our theoretical development. They operate alongside our broader work of political education and dissemination, and aim to sharpen our collective understanding of Marxism-Leninism in relation to current conditions. Through public presentations, seminars, and round tables with other organisations, we seek not only to deepen ideological clarity but also to produce relevant materials – including statements, reports and translations – that can serve as a foundation for future strategic development. Some events may serve a more immediate function as open educational sessions on key Marxist-Leninist texts or pressing political issues. These moments are useful not only for multiplying our opportunities for theoretical development, but also for producing a revolutionary understanding of topics that are otherwise dominated by bourgeois narratives.
While events offer important opportunities to reach out to sections of the movement, their purpose is not limited to outreach. Their primary function is to develop the ideological tools needed to address the contemporary evolution of capitalism and imperialism from a communist perspective. They serve as a space for cadres to grow politically and organisationally, and for potential members to enter into serious engagement with our line. Finally, they provide structured opportunities for principled dialogue and debate with like-minded organisations – particularly on an international level – contributing to the construction of a coherent theory and strategy for the Marxist-Leninist pole.
Communist Vanguard 2025